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Lenin's bodyguard

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Ivan Aleekseevich Vladimirov, painter of the pictures in the previous post: Hungarian soldier, 1915

The realistic images of the siege of the Winter Palace reminded me that it’s time to repay an old debt of mine. In the eighties I got acquainted with Gergely Bors, who was then already past ninety. In the Transylvanian Székely village of Csíkmenaság, the eastern curve of the Carpathian Mountains, high in the head of the valley, where I spent a day in the captivity of the church hill flooded by the mountain rains. A village about which most Hungarians only know from the folk song Fly, bird, fly, to Menaság fly


Muzsikás and Márta Sebestyén: Fly, bird, fly

Repülj, madár, repülj, Menaságra repülj
édes galambomnak gyenge vállára ülj

vidd el, madár, vidd el, levelemet vidd el
apámnak s anyámnak, jegybéli mátkámnak

ha kérdi, hogy vagyok, mondjad, hogy rab vagyok
szerelem tömlöcben térdig vasban vagyok

rab vagy, rózsám, rab vagy, én meg beteg vagyok
mikor eljössz hozzám, akkor meggyógyulok
Fly, bird, fly, to Menaság fly, sit on
the delicate shoulders of my sweet dove

take my letter, bird, take it to my
father, mother and to my fiancé

if she asks where I am, tell her I’m a prisoner
in the prison of love, in chains till my knees

you’re a prisoner, my rose, however, I’m sick
only when you’ll come to me, I will heal.

(Before I included the original Hungarian text with English translation, Araz fell so much in love
with the song that he sought for a video with translation– and with the beautiful photos
of the Transylvanian Kolozsvár –, and he translated it in Azeri for Shahla:

Uç, ey quş, havalan, Menaşaqa uç, qon yarımın çiyninə.
Götür, ay guş, məktubumu, yetir ata-anama, həm deyiklim gəlinə…
Halımı soruşsalar, de ki, dustağam sevgi zindanında, zənciri dizə qədər.
Zindandasan, gülüm, mən isə xəstə, bircə sənin gəlməyin dərdimə dərman edər…)



I was surveying the medieval churches of the valley of Csík, as I will once recount it, and I was trying to collect the ephemeral written and oral memory. “Go to Uncle Gergely”, they told me. How embarrassing it was to give over two hundred and fifty grams of coffee, a trifle for me, a treasure in Ceaușescu’s Romania. Books were laying the table, the stories flowed from Uncle Gergely, and a refreshing air bubble covered that afternoon in that horrible, suffocating world.

Veteran’s document from Csíkmenaság. From the family photo collection campaign of Menaság

I recounted that afternoon a good many times. “Come on, the old man drew the long-bow”, said Sergei in disbelief in the Fatâl restaurant. Nonsense, Lenin’s body guard? “Well, he took out a photo and showed that this is Lenin, this is Stalin, and lo, this is me.” “You should write this for a Russian journal, we would immediately publish it.” I should have, ever since, more than once.

Still, I give the word to a listener much more authentic than me. The touching little book Csíki kaláka (Mutual help in Csík valley) by Farkas-Zoltán Hajdú, living since 1987 in Heidelberg, and intensively engaged in the research of both Székelys and Saxons, was bought by me in 1993 in the Hungarian bookshop of Csíkszereda / Miercurea Ciuc, from hundreds of other beautiful books printed on bad paper with bad letters, which have since disappeared without a trace from the Hungarian book publishing.


WWI postcard sent from Csíkmenaság to the front. “Keep this church in your memory, and know that it was built in days of heavy war, just like those we live now.”

“…This was my first encounter with Menaság. At that time this village was like all the others visited by us in that summer. I have not even heard of it before. It fell away from the main road, and did not seem superior to the other villages in Csík. For a long time I did not go back there, and did not think to ever return.

However, within two or three years I had a the opportunity for a new encounter. I was taken by car not exactly to Menaság, but to its neighborhood Csíkszentgyörgy, by my wife still breast-feeding our daughter, to meet Gergely Bors. The famous Gergely Bors, Lenin’s personal bodyguard.

It was spring, my wife was in a hurry, so I could go to the old man above ninety only between two breastfeedings. We were left alone. He already guessed why I came to see him, for many had asked him before about his Russian memories, some officially, and some just for the sake of the tales. At some time he had also received a pension from the Soviet embassy, but now only the journal Aurora was brought to him by the lame postman, with smaller or longer interruptions. In his lean, dry, mustacheless figure there was something non-peasant. Yes, he had the clear openness of widely traveled people. His hair was brushed aside, and he received me in a pajama jacket. Books were laying on the kitchen table, some of them densely underlined by pencil. His eyes sparkled from his face full of wrinkles, and already his mimicry revealed his being a great story-teller. His story is very similar to all the soldier’s stories heard before or later, which old people recount with so much predilection in the pubs, while nursing a monopol or a caraway seed. Each family had its men who had been to war, and their stories were proudly revived by their descendants, through several generations. These stories were similar to the dog’s skin charters which guaranteed a family’s reputation for many decades.


Official document on György Bors’ (Csíkmenaság) contribution to the Statue of National Generosity, 1915

The experiences of military and prison remain always vivid in the memory of local people. Their main figure is not the valiantly fighting soldier, but much rather the clever lad who, escaping from captivity, sets on the road home with a single shovel, and every time he is seen with suspect, he starts to adjust the roadside stones in the most natural way. The road is much longer in this way, but it surely leads you home. A better story matures into an anecdote, and it will be recounted not only by its “owner”, but by everyone who heard it. Later I became acquainted with old men who for some reason quarreled in the Russian captivity, and since then they have remained mortal enemies. Then and there, the stake of the game was life or death, and the memories are too fresh for a whole life to prevent forgiving treason and disloyalty.

Very interesting is the general opinion shared about foreign soldiers. In war stories, the German soldier is always polite, but, although distributes chocolate to children, very strange; the Russian, although he takes away everything, and an ignorant, wild and very ragged fellow, is nevertheless kind-hearted and pious. Does the fact that we are also from the East, made more sympathetic the soldiers coming from Asia? Maybe our subconscious self registered the common roots?

Well, Gergely Bors as a young man, was enrolled in Franz Joseph’s army as it is the way of things, and in one of the first battles he was captured by the Russians, as it is the way of things, in a huge fog, in the middle of a thick forest. He traveled over half Russia as a prisoner of war, and finally put up at a rich peasant in some godforsaken village, to cultivate the land. They really liked “Gligor”, who loved the earth just as much as they, and could work the wood as nobody else. Then one day it was his host’s turn to go to the army. There was much weeping in the family, but only as long as the old people did not find a better solution. Coup de théâtre: they send Gligor instead of the host, because in this way, closer to his homeland, perhaps he would manage to escape.


Gunner György Bors from Csíkmenaság (whether a relative to Gergely?). WWI photo from a Komárom studio

The replacement was succesfully done – with the help of some liters of vodka –, and Gligor, who already had a good command of Russian, soon finds himself to be at a big city station as a Russian infantry. Another coup de théâtre: someone hits him in the back: – Mr. Bors, what are you doing here? – The person asking it is the wood merchant, who, before the war, made a lot of good board deals with Gergely’s father. After the first fright, the heaven-sent acquaintance offers him a good business: to enter a new service. The nature of it is still a secret, but success is guarantee. For now, a very important person has to be waited for at the station, and for this, they need just a handsome sturdy Székely lad who is not afraid of his own shadow, and has his mind in place. The identity of the person is still a secret for now, but Gergely Bors is not too much interested in it, the point is that he receives a modern automatic pistol, and plenty of food. The stranger waited for in secret arrives in secret, at night. A stocky little man in big black coat, another Jewish-looking one.

The events accelerate, and Gergely Bors is also on Lenin’s side at the siege of the Winter Palace. His heart is in the place, and he is well kept. His companions are also strangers, desperate fellows.

(I’m shaking my head in disbelief, he soon discovers it. He takes out his photos from the drawer: – Well, young man, look here: this is here Lenin, Krupskaya on his side, next to them, me, with bandaged head, and on my left, Stalin – let plague eat him – together with his son…)

From the siege of the Winter Palace he only remembers that it was wickedly cold, and the Tsarist cadets there inside were ordered to destroy the Czar’s vodka stocks. They began to scrupulously pour the spirit into the drains, which was soon noticed by someone outside there, noting that in the canals there is flowing vodka instead of sewage… The consequences are obvious… it was very cold, and with a good amount of vodka it was easier to bring the blood-red flag of the revolution to victory. At the end of the fight only Lenin and a few others from his immediate surroundings were sober.


Ivan Alekseevich Vladimirov: Pogrom against the liquor store, 1917

Ivan Alekseevich Vladimirov: The capture of the Winter Palace, 1917

Gergely Bors remained in Lenin’s personal bodyguard unit, accompanying him as a shadow everywhere, to public rallies and meetings. The most unpleasant memory is Stalin, that is, Dzhugashvili, as they called him at that time. A big bully and an arrogant man. Together with his son they rape women in the street in broad daylight, and he hates foreigners. When drunk, he repeatedly attempted to crush Lenin’s life, then he’s a real beast. Lenin, he is very good, a good old man. He distributes the food parcels sent to him even during the greatest famine, and he’s already ill, very ill. Gergely Bors at the first chance skips off, and soon he is in the territory of “Great Romania”, in the unpleasant, awkward brave new world. At home, as if nothing happened, the village readmits him smoothly, and he also turns back without a word into a Székely farmer.

Forty-four. Russian soldiers, who do not understand his memories any more. Later, official interviews. A short biography and pictures in a book on the heroic participation of Romanians in the “Great Revolution”. Pension, and then only Aurora. And with this completes Gergely Bors’ career on earth.”


Exhibition: Old military photographs from Csíkmenaság. From the report of the Photo Witness blog


Les exilées

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Album de famille:
Hong-Kong, Po-Chou, 1897
Marseille, Félix Nadar, 1900
Quand j’étais petite fille, elle était une très vieille dame aux cheveux toujours noirs et au visage poudré de blanc. Je l’écoutais parler mais je ne comprenais pas vraiment ce qu’elle disait — peut-être parlait-elle une langue qui m’était étrangère. A vrai dire, elle m’effrayait beaucoup et je n’aurais pas voulu qu’on me laissât seule avec elle.

Ici, elle a seize ans. Elle se tient un peu raide et empruntée aux côtés de sa sœur et nous regarde — l’une et l’autre l’air un peu crâne de filles qui ont vu le feu de près. De la troisième jeune fille, à droite, nul ne sait plus rien aujourd’hui, elle leur tient compagnie sur cette photo, pensive, avant de disparaître dans l’oubli.

Elles sont arrivées à Marseille en novembre 1900 sur un navire hollandais —la veille peut-être. Elles ont connu la guerre et elles l’ont perdue, les voilà désormais des vaincues et des exilées. Mais toutes vaincues et exilées qu’elles soient, elles ont l’opinion publique européenne avec elles et la presse les attend : à Paris, à Berlin, à Bruxelles ou Amsterdam, on veut des histoires, on veut des images. Elles posent donc pour une série de photos dans l’atelier marseillais du vieux Félix Nadar : les deux sœurs seules, les trois jeunes filles en groupe, les unes en tenue de ville, les autres en tenue de combat.

Ces vêtements, chapeaux, cartouchières, fusils, jumelles — les ont-elles rapportés avec elles du pays lointain ? Ont-elles voyagé avec ces armes dans leurs malles, en souvenir du conflit ? Ont-elles combattu seulement, ont-elles suivi le mouvement des troupes ? A quoi pensent-elles en prenant la pose ?

Ou peut-être ne sont-ils qu’un amas d’accessoires sorti d’une autre malle, celle du photographe — comme l’étaient l’éventail, les pantoufles brodées et l’étrange pipe à eau du studio de Hong-Kong —, de ces accessoires dont on affuble le voyageur revenant d’une chasse au lion en Afrique, le gendarme qui a mis la main sur un bandit dans le maquis Corse ou l’archéologue et sa femme, de retour de Ninive. Quelqu’un les a habillées, on les a alignées là, on leur a mis un fusil entre les mains — ah, n’oublions pas les cartouchières, s’est écrié l’accessoiriste en fouillant dans une caisse.

Accessoires bien inutiles, la presse n’a pas retenu ce cliché. Après tout, la guerre était déjà loin.

The exiled

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Family album:
Hong Kong, Po-Chou, 1897
Marseille, Félix Nadar, 1900
When I was a little girl, she was a very old lady with still black hair and white-powdered face. However I listened to her, I did not really understand what she was telling – perhaps she spoke a language foreign to me. Actually, she scared me a lot, and I would have not wanted to be left alone with her.

Here she’s sixteen. She is standing a bit stiff alongside her sister, and they both have a proud look, like who saw the fire closely. About the third girl nobody knows anything today, she only keeps company with them in this photo, she is looking pensively before disappearing into oblivion.

They arrived to Marseille in November 1900 on a Dutch ship, perhaps the previous day. They got to know the war and they lost it, here they are already defeated and exiled. But however defeated and exiled they are, the European public opinion is on their side, and the press reports about them: from Paris through Berlin to Brussels or Amsterdam, they want their stories and images. They therefore pose for a series of photographs in the Marseille studio of old Felix Nadar: the two sisters on single photos, the three ones together, in one in city dress, in the other in military dress.

Did they bring with themselves these garments, hats, cartridge-clips, guns, binoculars from their distant country? Did they travel with these weapons in their trunks, in memory of the conflict? Did they fight alone, or following the movement of the troops? What do they think about, while posing?

Or maybe these accessories come from another trunk, that of the photographer – like the fan, the embroidered slippers or the strange water pipe from that of the studio of Hong Kong–, and were used to make the traveler returning from a safari in Africa, the policeman who captured the bandit in Corsica, or the archeologist and his wife coming back from Nineveh appear more authentic. Perhaps somebody dressed them, they were lined up, they put a rifle in the hands – oh, let us not forget about the cartridge-clip, cried the propman digging in the trunk.

However it happened, they proved useless. The press did not take over this shot. After all, the war was already gone.

Capodanno, capodanno

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La rivista letteraria e culturale Biblioteca d’Israele, che già in questa primavera ha aperto la sezione Il mondo dello Shtetl – The world of Shtetl per gli articoli assunti dal nostro blog che rievocano il mondo ebraico scomparso dell’Europa orientale, oggi, con l’approccio dell’anno nuovo, ha pubblicato il nostro post scritto sul Capodanno chassidico in Uman.

La differenza fra i due capodanni è un quarto d’anno, e in rispetto alle festività di Rosh Hashanah, quando, alla metà di settembre, trentamila persone si riuniscono da tutto il mondo attorno alla tomba del Rabbi Nachman di Breslov, ora c’è silenzio in Uman, ma duecentocinquanta chilometri più all’ovest, in Medzhibozh, alla tomba del suo bisnonno e fondatore del chassidismo, Baal Shem Tov, il pellegrinaggio è ininterrotto anche adesso. Nel mese di gennaio scriveremo di questo sia nella Biblioteca d’Israele che qui, in Río Wang.

New Year, New Year

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The Italian literary and cultural journal Biblioteca d’Israele, which already in the spring opened the section Il mondo dello Shtetl – The world of Shtetl for the posts received from our blog and reviving the former East European Jewish world, today, with the approach of the New Year, published our entry written on the Hasidic New Year in Uman.

The difference between the two New Years is a quarter of a year, and in comparison to the mid-September festivities of Rosh Hashanah, when thirty thousand people gathers together from all the world around the tomb of Rabbi Nachman of Breslov, now there is silence in Uman. However, two hundred and fifty kilometers to the west, in Medzhibozh, at the tomb of his great-grandfather and the founder of Hasidism, Baal Shem Tov, the pilgrimage is continuous also at this time. In January we will write about this both iin Biblioteca d’Israele and here, in Río Wang.

Kamenets-Podolsk

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“As if a hurricane had swept away the tiny houses around Stephen Báthory’s huge, seven-storey tower, next to the Windy Gate. This tower was once built on the command of a Hungarian king, who was a stranger on the Polish throne, and wanted to conquer the Ukrainian lands of Podolia. And now recently, in 1943 (as Elena Lukyanova recounts it), the Nazis shot to death next to the Windy Gate seven thousand excellent sons of Hungary, who did not want to collaborate with the fascist invaders. The Gestapo did not dare to kill them in Budapest, so they sent them to die here, in this little Ukrainian town.”
Vladimir Belyaev: The old castle (1952)

This summary post, to be followed by a number of detailed ones, was written in preparation of our Czernowitz-Odessa tour in April 2003.
There are places, whose names after a particularly shocking tragedy separate from them, and fly alone in the world like dark birds: Auschwitz, Katyń, Sobibór. We usually forget that the place belonging to the name continues to exist and to live its life independently of the tragedy: they are born and get married, they celebrate and hold city days, they protect and show to the tourists their monuments. Like Dachau, the Renaissance little town and prominent German artists’ colony. Like Srebrenica, the Bosnian mountain town and resort place. And, of course, like Kamenets-Podolsk.


To most Hungarians Kamenets-Podolsk is known for one thing: that in the summer of 1941, the Hungarian authorities – seizing the opportunity offered by the Galician territories since recently under German occupation – wanted to get rid of at least a part of the Jews in Hungary by relocating there, across the border those of them who could not prove their Hungarian citizenship. In reality, at Körösfő/Yasinya, the new-old Hungarian border station, they gave them over to the Germans, who within a short time executed them all, nearly 18 thousand, but their exact number is not known.

“And then strange times came: people had to prove their citizenship and nationality, submit birth certificates.
The ancestors of [the great author] Szomory had lived for at least two hundred years in Hungary, but he could not prove it, as he did not have a single official document…
He shrugged: “I do not prove it. Everyone knows who I am.” Emil, desperately: “Dezső, you will be deported, taken to Kamenets-Podolsk.” He did not get upset: “I have never been there anyway. Is it a nice city?”
Andor Kellér: Author in the tower (1958)


However, Kamenets-Podolsk, the city does not deserve to connect its name only with this tragedy. On the one hand, because although this was the official target of the deportations, a part of the mass murders took place already on the way here, above all in Buchach, some seventy kilometers from here, one of the intellectual centers of Galician Jews, the birthplace of Freud’s family, the Wiesenthals, and the first Nobel Prize winner Hebrew author Agnon. “And there lay yours”, told my guide, the old Polish lawyer, after the visit of the Jewish cemetery, pointing to the two mass graves, under which thousands of “stateless” Hungarian Jews lie, and whose very existence had to be concealed in the Soviet era. After all, even Belyaev, the author of our starting quote had to remember the tragedy by changing the details and omitting any reference to the Jews in 1952, when the show-trials against the “Zionist doctors” were in full preparation in the Soviet Union.


And on the other hand, because Kamenets-Podolsk – to give an answer to Dezső Szomory – is in fact a nice town. A beautiful town, with a great history, and rich in monuments. In addition, its history already before 1941 was in many ways entwined with Hungarian history.


The name of the city means “rock”, due to its quite amazing geographical location. It stands on the top of one single, huge, oval-shaped rock with a diameter of a thousand meters, whose vertical cliffs are almost completely flown around in a deep canyon by the Smotrich river, leaving only one narrow isthmus as an entrance to the rock. This isthmus, the entrance of the city is watched over by a beautiful medieval castle of seven towers, which was constantly reinforced for several centuries, until Stephen Báthory, Prince of Transylvania and King of Poland gave to it its today’s form of a fairy tale castle. His remembrance is preserved also by the other impresive surviving piece of the former fortress system, the seven-storey Báthory Tower, which stands firmly on the rock wall, at the end of the Little Armenian street, just a few minutes from the Polish Market.



In fact, Kamenyets-Podolsk was always a frontier town: this was the reason of its strength and weakness. At the clash point of the former Polish-Lithuanian kingdom and the Ottoman Empire, it had to hold up with its own walls the renewed Turkish attacks, if they managed to break through the fortress system along the Dniester, only forty kilometers to the south. This is why they built it out as the country’s strongest fortress. The city, the key of the Polish kingdom was repeatedly imperiled, and its conservation was always a serious problem for the current monarch, but the successfully repelled sieges also gave new force to the further fight, like in the 1680s, when King Jan Sobieski, after the liberation of the local castle line, with the same impulse went under Vienna to prevent the city from being occupied from the Turks, and to launch the definitive liberation of Hungary from the Ottoman rule.

Kamenets-Podolsk, at this time shortly (1672-1699) in Ottoman hands. Parisian engraving by Nicolas de Fer (1646-1720), with the indication of the important buildings and ethnic neighborhoods of the city, 1691

But the frontier situation was also the reason of the unique Armenian merchant city character of Kamenets-Podolsk. The Armenian merchants coming from the Ottoman empire through the “Eastern European Silk Road”, after crossing the Polish border, here stayed for the first time, and handed over their goods to the Armenians who had settled in the Polish empire, and who carried them forward to Lwów, Krakow and Breslau. This is how the still existing Armenian quarter of the city took shape, with the vast tower of the fortress-like Armenian Catholic Cathedral, and the smaller Armenian Monophysite church. In fact, Kamenets-Podolsk was the only city in Poland, where, in addition to the church of the Armenians coming to union with the Catholic church, another Armenian church could be erected for the followers of the original Armenian Monophysite confession, the merchants coming from the Ottoman Empire and soon returning there.



However, the luxurious palaces still standing in the Polish center of the city do not give the impression of any frontier zone. The city was quickly reached by the latest intellectual trends as well as the innovations of fashion or Warsaw performers. The Jewish quarter – which had terribly suffered under the Bohdan Khmelnytsky uprising and the subsequent invasions of the Tatars – was also open to any new ideas. Shortly after Shabbatai Tsvi’s messianic movement, it was Kamenets-Podolsk to became the center of the Frankism carrying on the Shabbatean teachings, whose representantives burnt the Talmud in the main square of the city in 1757. Here was born and maintained a luxurious residence Joseph Yozel Günzburg, one of the wealthiest Jewish bankers in 19th-century Russia, a noted philanthropist, and founder of the Society to Promote Jewish Culture. And here was also born Mendele Mocher Sforim, one of the founders of modern Yiddish and Hebrew literature, and the actor Zwee Scoolre, the rabbi in the movie version of the Fiddler on the Roof.



In the city still stand next to each other the Polish, Ukrainian and Armenian market, the Catholic, Orthodox, Greek Catholic, Armenian Catholic, Armenian Monophysite church and the synagogue, and even the minaret left by the short Turkish rule: the plateau of Kamenets is enmeshed by the labyrinth of the medieval towers, Renaissance palaces and charming Baroque streets erected by various nations. During our trip through Czernowitz to Odessa we will have to visit this fabulously beautiful town also in order to do it justice, and to know it from its attractive side instead of only the black reputation associated with the tragedy of 1941.


Dissolving

Kőbánya


2013 Is Your Year!

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(poster of an accounting software company with champion boxer István Kovács / Kokó)

The Crisis Is Over! 2013 Is Your Year!
For you, Kokó. We are killed by the taxes!


We wish a much happier New Year
to all the readers of Río Wang
and of course to ourselves.

Burech Bendit

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I came across this postcard, published in Czernowitz around 1900, only a few days ago, just at the right time, as we shall see. The white-bearded rabbi’s picture would not be unusual in the contemporary postcard edition of Czernowitz which, under the title of “Bukowinaer Types”, abundantly shed the arranged ethnographic photographies, among them many Jewish ones. All the more surprising, however, is this secular setting, where the rabbi raises a wine bottle – oh, those slender, thick-walled, opaque green shining old bottles! –, and with the other hand points to it in a teaching gesture with an enigmatic meaning. Whether he wants to propagate the drink or call the attention to its dangers, the scene certainly seems a cuckoo’s egg in the orthodox canon.

Under the picture the name of the rabbi is also included: Burech Bendit. About him, however, the world wide web does not offer any more detail either in Latin or in Yiddish letters. We turn to our Hebrew expert Két Sheng, then, who offers us the following information:

I won’t say it. It must be some general Jewish stereotype, as “Uncle Kohn”. Burech Bendit is in fact a double first name (I almost said Christian name, unberufen!), as both the Yiddish Burech and the Latin Bendit means blessed. Burech Bendit – sometimes in the Hebrew form, Baruch Bendit – is a common Jewish first name, just like Zeew Wolf (both meaning wolf, the first in Hebrew, the second in Yiddish), or Tzvi Hersh (deer in Hebrew and Yiddish). So I do not think you should seek for a historical person.

But he who seeks shall find.


In this postcard the glass has been already handed from Reb Burech to a more Bohemian member of his commnity, and the caption also makes its purpose more unambiguous: Reb Burech drinks toast, that is, he converts the double blessing inherent in his name into threefold. His gesture, however, remains enigmatic, as if he warned that too much is as bad as nothing at all.


And a third postcard also reveals us the name of the Bohemian character: he is Schlojmy Bäcker, who proudly leads under the chuppah his fiancee, “the Kaly”. The names suggest that the figures of the scenes might have been very well known, at least to a local circle. But which circle was it?


The company of Simon Gross, which published these postcards, had its seat at Main Street 27 of Czernowitz, on the following fin-de-siècle map section in the black house above the double letters “s” of Haupt-Strasse, to the left of the Serbian church of St. Paraskeva, the first Orthodox church of the city. This was a convenient location. Above, in the Rudolfsplatz was built the pride of the city, the Philharmony, raised from the donations of the most prominent citizens in 1876. In Hormuzaki Street stood the palace of the wealthy Fanariote Hormuzaki Barons, whose generosity permitted to Franz Liszt and a number of other renowned European artists to repeatedly tour in the city. In front of the building branched off from the main street the Judengasse – today Sholem Aleichem Street – where there stood the Yiddis theater, the other pride of the city, whose inhabitants with great devotion nurtured their mother tongue: here they held in 1908 the first conference of the Yiddish language, which launched the still blooming “Yiddish Renaissance”. And further down, at the corner of Schulgasse and Türkengasse worked the highly popular Municipal Theatre, which would be relocated only in 1905 to its present stunning location, the Theater Square above the main square, in the neighborhood of the still standing Jewish National House.


The corner of the Hauptstrasse and of the Judengasse, starting down to the right. Left, the porched entrance of the city market, and then the palaces number 25-27, in the second the seat of Simon Gross’ publishing company.


We have good reason to think, then, that Simon Gross’ publishing company and bookshop, flanked by theaters, had in its profile to publish and sell the contemporary fashion genre, the postcards with the portraits of famous actors and singers. And part of this must have been the promotion of the comic characters of the Yiddish theater on the opposite side of the street. It is quite possible that Reb Burech, Schlojmy Bäcker and “the Kaly” were such kind of constant comedy actors of the Czernowitz cabaret, as Aprikosenkranz and Untenbaum of the pre-war Yiddish radio cabaret of Lwów, or Hacsek and Sajó of that of Budapest much later. Whether this was indeed so, we count on the help of our readers.

The “Balaton” Serbian-Hungarian-Gypsy (!) band performing in the theater of Czernowitz. Postcard published by Simon Gross

And once the thrice blessed Reb Burech checked in Río Wang at the end of the year, let him say a threefold blessing for the coming year. The first one is the original Yiddish-language version of the Lechaim also included in the Fiddler on the Roof, performed in the 60s by the Barry Sisters, founders of the “Yiddish swing”. The second is Trinkt Lechaim!– as Reb Burech does it – from the 10s, in the orchestration of Elmer Bernstein from the musical film Thoroughly Modern Millie of 1967 (into which some violin motifs are also interwoven from the Bukovina collection of Joel Rubin and Joshua Horowitz). And the third one is where the Messiah himself says a blessing on all the world.


The Barry Sisters: Le Chaim! (2'49")


Elmer Bernstein: Trinkt Le Chaim! Wedding song (4'23") (From the film Thoroughly Modern Millie)


Klezmatics: Shnirele perele (6'11") (From the CD Rhythm & Jews)

“Baruch – Blessing.” King David drinks a toast in the Kaufmann Haggadah, first published by us in the internet. (Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences)

Future reloaded

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On the occasion of New Year I have updated the future, and put on the map the few more postcards found during the year, which faithfully represent how the cities of Hungary should look if the past progressed on the right track. And again I wondered how unchangeable our grand-grandfathers imagined the future, how they thought that the dizzy technical development will essentially not effect their way of life, dress or urbanism. In fact, they invented the steampunk.


Only on one single postcard glints something totally new, something that foreshadows a fundamental change of things. Not in a Hungarian town, but in today’s Hamburg, as envisioned a hundred years ago, in the seat of the Hagenbeck company touring exotic animals and humans about Europe. On the elegant Jungfernstieg promenade we see the familiar scenes of our age, the overhead sky railway, the scheduled air boats, the bicycles and automobiles racing at an unfathomable speed and thus accumulating accident on accident. However, among these accessories that were a commonplace a hundred years ago, suddenly there appears the unthinkable, the impossible, something just as absurd as the stork bringing a child in the upper corner – and the only one among all which finally became a reality. A black man. A black man in Europe. On the promenade, in tails and top hat. And free.



Kamenets-Podolsk

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“Como si un tornado hubiera barrido las casitas alrededor de la enorme torre de Stephen Báthory, de siete pisos, al lado de la Puerta de los Vientos. Esta torre fue construida en otro tiempo, bajo dominio de un rey húngaro, un extraño en el trono de Polonia, que quiso conquistar las tierras ucranianas de Podolia. Y ahora, en 1943 (como cuenta Elena Lukyanova), los nazis ejecutaron junto a la Puerta de los Vientos a siete mil destacados hijos de Hungría que no querían colaborar con los invasores fascistas. La Gestapo no se atrevía a matarlos en Budapest, por lo que los envió a morir aquí, en este pequeño pueblo ucraniano.”
Vladimir Belyaev: El viejo castillo (1952)

Esta entrada de resumen, tendrá su continuación en otras más detalladas. Se publica en preparación de nuestro viaje a Czernowitz-Odessa, en abril de 2013.
Hay nombres de lugar que, después de una tragedia particularmente dura, se desgajan, se independizan de la tierra y vuelan por el mundo como pájaros negros: Auschwitz, Katyn, Sobibor… Solemos olvidar que el espacio que designa el nombre sigue existiendo y que allí amanece cada día más allá de la tragedia: las gentes que lo habitan nacen y se casan, organizan las fiestas de su ciudad, protegen y muestran a los viajeros sus monumentos. Pasa en Dachau, una delicada ciudad del Renacimiento y una eminente colonia de artistas alemanes. En Srebrenica, ciudad montañera de Bosnia, con sus minas de sal y su apreciado balneario. Y del mismo modo en Kamenets-Podolsk.


Para la mayoría de húngaros Kamenets-Podolsk es conocida por una cosa: en el verano de 1941, las autoridades húngaras –aprovechando la oportunidad ofrecida por los territorios de Galizia, desde poco tiempo atrás bajo ocupación alemana– intentaron deshacerse de al menos una parte de los judíos de su territorio trasladando ahí, al otro lado de la frontera, a quienes no pudieran probar su ciudadanía húngara. En realidad, en Körösfő / Yasinya, el nuevo control fronterizo con Hungría, fueron entregados a los alemanes que, en poco tiempo, los ejecutaron a todos: casi 18 mil, aunque el número exacto todavía no se conoce.

Y vinieron después tiempos extraños: la gente tenía que demostrar su ciudadanía y nacionalidad, presentar certificados de nacimiento.
Los antepasados ​​de [el gran escritor] Szomory habían vivido al menos doscientos años en Hungría, pero no podían demostrarlo, ya que no tenían ni un solo documento oficial…
Él se encogió de hombros: «Yo no lo pruebo. Todo el mundo sabe quién soy». Emil, desesperadamente: «Dezső, van a deportarle, le llevarán a Kamenets-Podolsk». Él no se alteró: «Bien. En cualquier caso, nunca he estado allí. ¿Es una ciudad bonita?»
Andor Kellér: Escritor en la torre (1958)


Pero Kamenets-Podolsk, la ciudad, no merece tener su nombre atado a esta tragedia. De un lado, porque si bien éste era el destino oficial de las deportaciones, buena parte de los asesinatos en masa tuvieron lugar durante el recorrido hasta aquí, sobre todo en Buchach, a unos setenta kilómetros, uno de los centros intelectuales judíos de Galizia, cuna de la familia de Freud, de Wiesenthal, y del primer ganador hebreo del Premio Nobel de literatura, Agnon. «Y allí se encuentra el vuestro», nos dijo el abogado polaco que nos acompañó al cementerio judío de Buchach, señalando desde la colina las dos fosas comunes en las que yacen miles de «apátridas» judios húngaros, y cuya existencia hubo que mantener oculta durante la era soviética. Después de todo, incluso Belyaev, el autor de nuestra cita de entrada, tuvo que recordar la tragedia alterando los detalles y omitiendo cualquier referencia a los judios en 1952, cuando los juicios-espectáculo contra los «doctores sionistas» se encontraban en plena ebullición en la Unión Soviética.


Y del otro lado porque Kamenets-Podolsk –respondiendo a Dezső Szomory– es realmente una ciudad hermosa. Muy hermosa, con una compleja historia y una enorme riqueza de monumentos. Además, su historia ya antes de 1941 había tenido que ver con la historia de Hungría.


El nombre de la ciudad significa «roca», y se debe a su insólita ubicación. Se extiende sobre una gran colina rocosa, ovalada, de un diámetro medio de un kilómetro, cuyo perímetro acantilado está rodeado completamente por el meandro del río Smotriych, un cañón inexpugnable salvo por un pequeño istmo que sirve de puente de entrada a la ciudad. El puente está protegido por un castillo medieval de siete torres perfectamente cuidado y reforzado durante siglos hasta que Stephen Báthory, príncipe de Transilvania y rey de Polonia, le dio el aspecto actual de cuento de hadas. El recuerdo del príncipe también alienta en otra pieza impresionante del antiguo sistema de fortificación, la torre Báthory de siete plantas, firmemente asentada al final de la calle de la Pequeña Armenia, a pocos minutos a pie desde el mercado polaco.



De hecho, Kamenyets-Podolsk siempre fue ciudad de frontera: en ello estaba su fuerza y ​​su debilidad. En el punto de encuentro del antiguo reino polaco-lituano con el imperio otomano, tenía que resistir sobre sus propios muros los ataques renovados de los turcos cuando lograban quebrar el dispositivo de defensa a lo largo del Dniéster, a sólo cuarenta kilómetros hacia el sur. Es por eso que se construyó como la fortaleza más fuerte del país. La ciudad, llave del reino polaco, estuvo en peligro varias veces y su conservación fue siempre un grave problema para los sucesivos monarcas, pero los asedios rechazados con éxito sucesivamente dieron también fuerzas renovadas a luchas aún mayores, como ocurrió en la década de 1680, cuando el rey Jan Sobieski, después de la liberación de la línea de castillos locales, con el mismo impulso fue hacia Viena para evitar que la ciudad fuera ocupada por los turcos, y poner en marcha la liberación definitiva de Hungría del dominio otomano.

Kamenets-Podolsk, en un breve período (1672-1699) de dominio otomano. Grabado parisino de Nicolas de Fer (1646-1720) con indicación de los edificios importantes y las distintas etnias de los barrios de la ciudad, 1691

Sin embargo, la situación de frontera también fue la razón del singular carácter de ciudad mercantil armenia de Kamenets-Podolsk. Los comerciantes armenios procedentes del imperio otomano a través de la «Ruta de la Seda del Este de Europa», después de cruzar la frontera polaca se quedaron aquí por primera vez y juntaron sus bienes con los armenios que ya se habían asentado en el imperio polaco, llegando a Lwów, Cracovia y Breslau. Así es como tomó forma el barrio de los armenios todavía existente en la ciudad: con su imponente torre-fortaleza en la catedral católico-armenia, y la pequeña iglesia monofisita. De hecho, Kamenets-Podolsk fue la única ciudad polaca, donde, además de la iglesia de los armenios unidos a la Iglesia Católica, pudo erigirse otra iglesia armenia para los monofisitas armenios originales, aquellos comerciantes venidos desde el Imperio otomano y que pronto volverían allá.



Con todo, los lujosos palacios aún en pie en el centro de la ciudad polaca no dan la impresión de una zona fronteriza. A la ciudad llegaban rápidamente las últimas tendencias intelectuales así como las novedades de moda y los actores de Varsovia. El barrio judío –que había sufrido terriblemente bajo el levantamiento de Bohdan Khmelnytsky y las invasiones subsiguientes de los tártaros– también se abría a las nuevas ideas. Poco después del movimiento mesiánico de Shabbatai Tsvi, fue Kamenets-Podolsk quien encabezó las enseñanzas de este movimiento entre el frankismo, cuyos representantes quemaron el Talmud en la plaza principal de la ciudad en 1757. Aquí nació y mantuvo una lujosa residencia Joseph Yozel Günzburg, uno de los más ricos banqueros judíos rusos del siglo XIX, filántropo y fundador de la Sociedad de Promoción de la Cultura Judía. Y aquí también nació Mendele Mocher Sforim, uno de los padres de la moderna literatura yidis y hebrea; y el actor Zvee Scooler, el rabino de la versión cinematográfica de El violinista en el tejado.



Dentro de la ciudad siguen aún en pie, uno al lado del otro, los mercados polaco, ucraniano y armenio; las iglesias católica, ortodoxa, greco-católica, católica-armenia, monofisita-armenia y la sinagoga, e incluso resiste el minarete dejado por el breve dominio turco: la pequeña meseta de Kamenets se complica en un laberinto de torres medievales, palacios renacentistas y barrocos y calles seductoras dibujadas por varias naciones. En nuestro viaje pasando por Czernowitz hacia Odessa pararemos en esta ciudad fabulosamente bella. También para hacerle justicia y conocer su cara más atractiva, para no quedarnos sólo con la triste reputación asociada a la tragedia de 1941.


Мин нет

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In the eighties, when I started to walk about the city, still there were plenty of them, if faded into the plaster, or shown through the painting. Blown with a cutout pattern or painted by hand, with or without the name of the checking officer, but always with the mandatory formula: ПРОВЕРЕН – МИН НЕТ, checked, mine-free. The most striking one on the left side of the Gothic main entrance of Matthias Church, dated 14 February 1945, one day after the seizure of the Fortress of Buda, apparently repainted in the eighties. Exactly twenty years ago, on the first TV interview of my life I still showed more than a dozen to the crew.

When two years ago I wanted to show them to Wang Wei, there were only two of them left. The Matthias Church has been restored, the corner of Vörösmarty Street at Almássy Square was replastered, the cast stone cover of Csanády Street polished. Only the tenement house of the Ericsson Pension Fund from the 30s at the corner of Hunyadi Square preserved its inscription, as well as the stone virgin shot around at the beginning of Ilka Street, which can be seen only in winter from the bushes covering it.







Yesterday, the first day of the new year I went to take photos in the industrial zone of Kőbánya, at the pre-war Pongrácz worker’s housing estate, next to which I grew up. On entering it, a never seen, yet familiar inscription received me on the side of the first house. As vividly and clearly as if it had just been painted on the bricks: the arch of the window weather-fended it. And as naturally as if it were just one of the many graffitis of the neighborhood. For decades it has been patiently waiting for me to come back and notice it.




If you know about more like this, write us!

On full screen

In Dresden, on the street facade of the Old Masters Gallery, and elsewhere in the 2000s


Two feasts

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This post should be actually given the title “The power of images”, because this is what I want to talk about.

Or, what title would you give to a post that would publish just the two photos of these two different Russian New Year’s Eve dinners in a row, without a word?

Do you feel the world represented by one of the pictures better than the other? Would you prefer to live in one or the other? Do you see any kind of moral development/regress in the sequence of the two, and if so, what?

What logical relation do you project between the two pictures? A temporal one? It was like this, it became like this? If so, what kind of story do they describe? Or rather a parallel, a counterpoint? While those so, these so? If yes, which picture represents those and which one these?

And what do you think, if someone put up the two pictures in a post, what would he want to suggest with them?

And now look with absolutely fresh eyes at two completely different pictures about two very different feasts.



Put yourself the same questions.

Does the order of the pictures influence your answers? Do you identify more with the one you see first, or with the one following it as a counterpoint or punch line? Did the one which was more sympathetic earlier become now more alien to you?

The simple grammar, which is there, without exception, in the serving of every picture presented to your eyes, and which is so convincing not only because it is largely governed by subconscious conventions, but also because its actual generation is mainly your job, is especially useful to be made explicit in today’s times.

Obverse and reverse

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• My first thought was: Wow, in singlet at the dinner table? Well, they have sunken this far…

• Sunken? On the contrary, the faces and the whole company are much warmer, more human, more relaxed. On the other picture, how much constraint and anxiety! And how much progress in women’s equality: their glasses are the same size as those of the men! :)

• Ah, when photography still had its honor :) Although hell knows whether it was good when everyone had cramp from the photo machine… It is a solemn time machine, either they thought about this or not, but its purpose was to send a message into the future, to other generations. A care-taking of the family tree, so that that tree would stand for centuries. I chewed the ear of the family for a year to go ALL of us to the photographer. And lo, the grandma missed from it, because “it would have been complicated to resolve it five minutes before closing time”. Well, I say that family photo has no more honor… These “come, buddy, take a photo of me stuffing my face with sausage or beer”, that is, these snapshots speak about the moment to me. They are made not so much for the future viewers, but for the characers. Of course they will also become valuable if they once survive… But this is also another false construction, because Ansel also said that in a picture always there are two characters: the photographer and the viewer… No doubt, the second photo is much more intimate… we also rollick like this, in underwear, when we are together, the children doing their piggery, and we speaking with full mouth… and in the meantime we sometimes take pictures of each other, with mobile phones or else. The only question is whether we want to become perceived in the future like this, and whether we attribute to these pictures such a value that we would give them a chance of survival when we are no longer…

• The Singlet family apparently has a more relaxed relationship to the question of self-representation than the Soldier family, and I do not think they would discard this photo from the ones kept for the posterity. And if they leave it in the family album, they do it absolutely well, it has its place there.

• Yes, this is also an important question, whether we compare the right pictures with each other, two ones which were equally considered as family photos by the characters, or rather a family photo with a relaxed occasional shot, for an illustration of the erosion of culture. And in fact we should have looked for such photo about the second company, like the following one here below. Or an even more formal one, but this already illustrates the difference. And conversely, the private album of Tsar Nicholas II also has some foolish military school photos, which we now look quite bewildered at.

Po lowland, early 20th century, from here

„…all we are men…” Nicholas II. and friends

• Perhaps we should take into account the spontaneity made possible by the technological advances (more sensitive film, smaller camera, etc)
and the wider use made possible by its getting cheaper (even an amateur of small means can possess a camera)
and the different (broader spectrum) posturing due to the more everyday character of the situation of photographing.
Conversely: my great-grandparents with their children in 1929 – an eight-children worker’s family in Budapest, the father is a sailor and then a shipyard worker:



• Are they really New Year’s Eve dinners both? Because the singlets suggest otherwise, and the little guy even is top naked. Or were the flats so well heated in the 1930s?
Grimpix is right, on the first one they sit cramped and stiff, just like my grandparents when being photographed. They brought the chairs out of the house, and, sitting in two rows, they sent a serious message to Cronus. They did not play, did not grimace, did not show any originality in front of the camera. The hierarchy of the world worked well, like on the photo of the chinovnik/lower middle class family’s photo: under God, the Tsar, and under him, we. An enviable order
And on the other picture, the modernity. It recalls me the phrase of Ortega y Gasset: “we live under the brutal rule of the masses”. You would desire a bit of aristocratism, exclusivity, but you see the happy dumbness of the kommunalka instead, although, judging from the furnishing, it is no co-tenancy…


• At New Year’s Eve they could heat up well in the dacha: wood is cheap, the iron stove cannot be regulated, so let us put on it as much as we can, it will burn out soon anyway.

• If only for the Kulechov Effect, we should say that the sequence of the images changes the feeling : in the second proposition, people on the oldest photo look really sad and depressed (as if they were attending a funeral meal) though on the first they just seemed serious and concerned, certainly praying. I am not sure the more recent picture changes so much.
There are certainly two worlds in these images even if the tea, the cakes and the alcohol are on both tables. More than the way people are dressed or undressed, more than the naked wall opposed to the full enhanced one, more than the darkness or the light, what strikes me is the new distance offered by the possession of one’s camera: you pass from an external and cold (maybe historical) observation to an empathic one, from the inside. What the most recent one lacks — that you can find in the oldest one, details, precision, strangeness too and strength and a fine sensation of quiet awaiting in a pending time — is balanced by the cheerful looks and the warmth of the faces. Not only distant in years but maybe also in places: Northern Russia against Southern?
Anyway, you could write good stories about both pictures.



• I am invited into one of the pictures; in the other I am just a spectator. It has to do, I think, with the relationship of the photographer to the event in the photographs.

One picture, made with bright daylight streaming in from the upper left, is rigid and formal, and even has a certain air of unhappiness about it. It is possible that a photographer has been invited in on the occasion to make a family portrait. He arranges the subjects, clears the space from the nearest end of the table, in order to give the heavy tripod-mouted box camera a clear view of all the faces. “Hold still,” he says, so that the slow photograpic plate could capture the image with sharpness. The small child on the right seems to have shifted slightly during the exposure; his face is a bit blurred.

In the other, the photographer seems to be a guest at the party. He happens to have a camera. “I’m going to take a picture,” he says, and everybody looks toward him; some move around the table to get into the frame. He uses an amateur camera and only the available light, a ceiling lamp that makes the shadows under brows, noses, and chins look dark and heavy. Still, we take the photographer’s place when we look at the image. We are part of the proceedings, an invited guest -- not a clinical or professionally detached observer.

There is a historical progression in the images. The story in the first pairing is says, “That was then, this is now.” The second is more like, “Here we are, remember how we used to be?” Something could easily be read into the changes in social standing that (if we think in narrative terms) “took place” between the two images. The unhappy ones are wealthy, the less weathly here are a bit happier. Some might say material decline is an opportunity for moral advance; but we know it doesn’t always work out that way. Regardless, I know which party I’d rather attend!


• Anybody anything more?




Christmas greetings

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A Russian Christmas card from Lemberg in a Finno-Ugric language, 1916

Ninety-five years ago, on 6 January 1918, the feast of the Orthodox Christmas, Sándor Kégl, the greatest Hungarian Iranist received a Christmas card on his estate of Szentkirálypuszta.


6 January 1918
Letter from Shcherbakov
Baron Alexander, and to all your family, my deepest esteem. Baron, please, if I received any parcel from home, or a letter, please send it to me. I am now in Albania, and I send my greetings to all the Russians. My address is written [on the postcard]. Please send me an answer. Baron, if you please, I please all of you, to send us a little bit of biscuits. [?] Most humbly, Shcherbakov


Who was this Shcherbakov, to what kind of Russians he sent a Christmas greeting, and why did he think in Albania that the nearest place he can ask for some biscuits from is Szentkirálypuszta in Hungary?

But Shcherbakov was not the only Russian at that time who in smaller or greater cases sought the support of the Kégl family. In the fond containing the above card we also find a number of similar letters.


To: Alexander Kerlovitsh Kegl
Alexiy Tuskov
Permit me to ask you in writing, be so kind, and when you go to Budapest, buy me a razor and a tool for sharpening it. Please do not deny this request.
Alexey Tuzkov



Alexander Kégl
E.V.B. [highly estimated lord]
Honored Lord!
I want to borrow thirty crowns from you, to the debit of my money in Kiskunlacháza-Áporka, or please hold it back from my payment.
Petr Korobchenko



To: Most Honourable Alexander Kerlovich
Merciful Alexander Kerlovich, please permit us to ask you to keep us with you for always to work, among those ten persons whom you want to keep for the winter.
Alexey Tuzkov, Ivan Grishov. I ask you, please, keep us






To Lord János Kégl (post stamp 23 January 1917, Zalaszentiván)
From: Vintsek Sevchak
We are still sitting here in Zalaegerszeg, and we do not know the slightest news about leaving, only that we will have to sit here for a long while. Life in the camp is very, but very hard, and as to the food, it is terrible. So please, Baron, do not leave us alone, and send us a parcel with at least a little bit of bread, which we get only in small quantities.
We greet You, dear Baron, and please give our regards to your sister and brother.
Once more we ask you to remember our efforts when we were at you, and do not leave us in these hard conditions. But even without this we will remember you, how well you provided us for the last time, but hope lives in us, that you would help us this time, too.
Zalaegerszeg. Prisoner camp. Group one, Barrack 4
Nr. 19353 Yan Shishkovsky
Nr. 19354 Vitsenty Shevchak
Nr. 19362 Yuzef Samsonyuk
Nr. 19352 Viadislav Romanyuk
Nr. 19358 Yuzef Shidurkevich
The post address is valid for all, you can send [the parcel] to anyone of us. Nr. 19353 Yan Shishkovsky.
We wish you happiness, dear Baron.


During the First World War, the administration of the Austro-Hungarian Empire made it possible – especially for small and medium-sized landowners – to require Russian prisoners of war stationed in the territory of the war to replace the manpower conscripted from their lands. This is how Sándor and János Kégl also did, when, the latest from 1916, they employed a certain number – perhaps 10 to 20 – Russian prisoners of war on their estate.

The exact number of Russians and the exact period of their working on the estate is not known. We are only informed about the landowners’ treatment of them from the letters written back to them after leaving, from various prison camps, which have also been preserved by Sándor Kégl among his letters.


1918/12/19
To Lord János Kégli
Unforgettable Lord!
Please accept our enormous gratitude for your generosity and solidarity in our miserable conditions. I cannot find the words to express my gratitude to you for having been so good to us during the period spent on your estate, and especially on the last day – the day of our leaving…
At this moment we are in Budapest, and we do not yet know where we will be assigned. Please accept our greetings, and we are very grateful to You and to your honorable brother and sister.
The prisoners: Vintsek and the others





To: Lord János Kégly
Igen Tisztelt Úr! [Very Respected Lord!] 1 September 1917 [post stamp: 22 November]
Please accept my gratitude and esteem for your generosity, benevolence and respect towards me during the two years of my service. My esteem also for the fact that I was never harmed, and you were always amiable to me.
I am sincerely grateful for your extreme generosity. I also thank to your sympathetic and kind-hearted sister for her treatment. I am forever grateful, and will always remember the family.
I rest in the camp, in Dunaszerdahely, which You also know.
A. Kabardin


To be more precise, one thing we learn about the Russian prisoners. Namely that they were not so Russians.

Sándor Kégl, who spoke dozens of languages and, as his notebooks show, practiced them every day, would not have been true to himself if, when requesting the prisoners of war, he ignored their mother tongue. His notebooks attest, that while the prisoners worked on their estate, he continuously learned at least two languages of them, Chuvash and Mordvin, thus taking advantage, similarly to many other European researchers, of the rare opportunity – which had scarcely existed before and soon would absolutely cease to exist for several decades – that the exotic native informers of the Russian empire were delivered to their door.




A significant document of these studies and of the era in general is the two-page poem entitled “Soldier’s song”. This soldier, although he stands guard in the Carpathians, and dies there for the homeland, on the great sorrow of his father, mother and wife, is not Hungarian, as you would expect it – but Russian.


Soldier’s song

Wind above the sea from East to West / In the valleys of the Carpathians / Rivers of blood are flowing there / from early morning till late night. / Dull detonations are heard: / machine guns are rattling there; / shrapnels and grenades exploding; / mines throw the earth in the high. / Soldiers are fighting for justice; / and the death does not frighten the heroes; / They go to the battle again / under the protection of the Holy Virgin. / And at home the father, in the family / and the mother, weeping with her / read about the warriors in the news, / They want to know about their son. / The comrades write about the son; / tears come to their eyes; / They report: your son has fallen / while fulfilling the war command. / He died in the mountains, on reconnaissance / far from his motherland. / Nobody will know the tomb / of the soldier of the Russian land. / And the young wife at home / leaning above the little children / is crying with bitter tears / while remembering his husband / He left kind-hearted and cheerful, / caressing me again and again / and now a heavy stone is / forever above the heart of the woman. / I cannot see my husband any more, / my children will have no father, / they remain orphans forever, / and life will be always bitter.


Russian prisoners of war are accompanied in Lemberg/Lwów, 1916

And probably not even Russian. In fact, the unknown hand added to the end of the Russian text the first three strophes of the song also in Chuvash. Thus this song might have been the song of the Chuvash soldiers fighting in the Carpathian, just as melancholy, as the song of the Hungarian soldiers fighting against them in the same mountains.

Photo of an unknown Russian soldier among the letters of Sándor Kégl

Although this small fond consisting of a few Russian-language letters does not belong to the scientifically important parts of the Kégl bequest, nevertheless it sheds such a light on some traits of the great scholar, that we have devoted to them a separate page in the online edition of the Kégl bequest.

Съ Рождествомъ Христовымъ

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Русская рождественская открытка в финно-угорском языке из Львова, 1916

Девяносто пять лет назад, 6 января 1918 года, в праздник Рождества Христова, Шандор Кегль, самый известный венгерский иранистполучил рождественскую открытку на своем имении Сенткирайпуста.


6 января 1918
1918 года Янворя 6 дня
Письмо отъ Щербакова
Баринъ Александра и всем Вашему дому посылаю низки поклонъ Баринъ прошу я васъ эслій пришла мнѣ издому посылка илій письмо прошу пирислать я нахожусь въ Лбаній [Албании] и всемъ посылаю своимъ рускимъ свое (...?) мои  Адресъ на письмѣ. прошу прислать отвѣтъ Барин эслій  у васъ есь желания пошу покорна я въ есхь (?) васъ прошу притлити (?) вы мнѣ нимнокка прошу хлеба покорныты Щербаковъ


Кто был этот Щербаков, для каких русских он послал свои рождественские поздравления, и почему он думал в Албании, что ближайшее место, где он может попросить немного хлеба – это Сенткирайпуста в Венгрии?

Но Щербаков был не единственным русским, который в то время искал поддержки у семьи Кегль. В коллекции Венгерской академии наук вместе с этой открыткой также находим пару подобных писем.


Алексондру Керловйчу Кегль
Ваше благороди
Александръ Керловичъ позвольте Васъ письменно попрасить, пожалоста будте настолько добрые когда поедити в Бодопешъ купити мне бритву и оселокъ накоторый бритву точить пожалосто неоткажити мой просьбы Алексѣй Тузковъ



Е. В. Б. Александру Кегль
Многоуважаемый Баринъ
Прашу Васъ покорно если Вы сочтѣте возможсность занять мнѣ 30 коронъ въ счетъ моихъ денегъ находящихся въ Кишекхадъ Апорка или прошу удерживать изъ жалованья, которое Вы намъ выдаете. Эти деньги я хочу утробить накупку … [слово удалено цензурой]
Петръ Коробченко



Его блогородий Александръ Керлавйчу
Милостивый Алексондръ Керлавичъ, позволти Васъ попрасить чтобы оставить насъ навсегда у васъ роботать въ числѣ десяти человѣкъ которые вы хотити оставить въ зиму
Алексѣй Тузковъ, Иванъ Гришовъ прошу Васъ пожалосто остофте насъ.






Господину Янош Кегль (почтовая марка: 23 января 1917, Заласентиван)
от Вицента Шевчака
Обожаемый Баринъ
Мы и до сихъ поръ сидимъ въ Zalaegerszege, и абъ отъѣздѣ ничего и не слышно такъ что еще долго придется но но сидѣть Жизнь въ лагерѣ очень и очень тяжелая въ смыслѣ питанія – пища ужасная. По отому просимъ Васъ Баринъ не оставьте насъ и пришлите намъ посилку хоть хлѣба которого у насъ даютъ въ очень маломъ количествѣ. Привѣтствуемъ Васъ дорогой баринъ и Вы отъ насъ передайте привѣтъ Вашимъ незабвеннымъ брату и сестрицѣ.
Еще разъ напоминаемъ о себѣ будьте добри вспомните наше стораніе въ бытность у Васъ и не оставьте насъ въ нашемъ тяжеломъ поможений. Мы безъ того Васъ всегда вспомнаемъ за то что вы nasъ въ послѣдній разъ такъ хорошо снабдили но и теперь слетиемъ себя надеждой что Вы нашъ поможете и теперь.
Остаемся преданные Вашъ слуги:
Винцекъ и остальные наши адреса:
cim [адрес]: Zalegerszeg fogoly tabor gruppa I Bar 4 [Залаэгерсег, лагерь военнопленных, группа 1, барак 4]
Nr. 19353 Янъ Шишковски
Nr. 19354 Виценты Шевчакъ
Nr. 19362 Юзефъ Цамсонюк
Nr. 19352 Виадиславъ Романюкъ
Nr. 19358 Юзефъ Шидуркевичъ
Посылочной адресъ на каждаго но можно послать на кого нибудь одного. Nr. 19353 Янъ Шишковскій.
Желаемъ счастья Вамъ дарогой баринъ.


Во время Первой мировой войны, администрация Австро-Венгерской империи сделал возможным – особенно для малых и средних землевладельцев – требовать русских военнопленных, находящихся на территории страны, чтобы заменить рабочей силы призваны со своих земель. Так делали и Шандор и Янош Кегль, когда, последнее с 1916 года, использовали определенное количество – возможно, от 10 до 20 – русских военнопленных на их имущество.

Точное число русских и точный период их работы на имении не известно. Мы узнаем что-нибудь только об обращении с ними из письма, которые они после выхода написали из различных лагерей, и которые также Шандор Кегль тоже сохранил среди своих писем.


1918/12/19
Господину Яношу Кегль
Незабвенный Баринъ! 
Примите отъ насъ общую великую благодрность за Ваше великадуши и сочувствіе въ нашемъ плачевнамъ положеніи. Не хватаетъ словъ для выраженія Вашъ благодарности за Ваше вниманіе къ нашъ во все время пребыванія у Васъ а въ особенности за послѣдній день – день атъѣзда…
Мы еще въ Будапеште куда теперь насъ напрасятъ еще не знаемъ. Привѣтствуемъ и блогодаримъ Васъ и почтеннѣйшихъ Вашего Брата и Сестру.
Плѣнные: Винцекъ и прочіе





Господину Яношу Кегль
Igen Tisztelt Úr! [Очень уважаемый Господин!] 1 сентября 1917 [почтовая марка: 22 ноября]
1917 года 1го Сентября
Преіймите Мае Благодарнаст Отъ всей души Имѣю честв Кланитея вамъ и Благодарить васъ за все вашу добро сердечнаго Откровенное уваженіе камнѣ за всий Маеій Двухъ лѣтнѣій службы я Прожилъ увасъ и зачто я нейзбежно я долженъ благодаріть. Васъ Почтеннымъ Маймъ Гасподамъ. Что я Прожілъ и небылъ абиженъ Вами некогда все для Мѣня былй любѣзны всегда з жего я искренно благодарю васъ. и еще я сердѣчно иксренно благодарю всий душою велико сімпатічной добродушной вашей Сестры за милосердечнаю иху уважанию за все двухъ летнію службу Маю увасъ я астаюсь благодарственно вами тронутъ. На всегда буду помнить и благодарить васъ всей вашей фамилии сте (?) стемъ прашчате уважаемыйя Гаспода и Барышня астаюсь въ лагеряхъ дуна Сердагель извѣстный вамы.
А. Кабардинъ


Точнее, мы узнаем еще что-нибудь о русских военнопленных. А именно, что они не были все русские.

Шандор Кегль, который говорили на десятках языков, и, как показывают свои записные книжки, практиковал их каждый день, не был бы верен себе, если при требований военнопленных он не обратил бы внимание на их родный язык. Его записные книжки свидетельствуют, что пока военнопленные работали на их имущество, он постоянно изучал минимум на двух языках от них, чувашской и мордовской, таким образом воспользовавшись, как и многие другие европейские исследователи, редкую возможность – которая почти не существовала до тех пор, и вскоре будет абсолютно не существовать в течение нескольких десятилетий –, что экзотические информеры русской империи были доставлены к ним домой.




Значимый документ и этих исследований и эпохи в целом – это стихотворение “Песня солдата” на две страницы. Этот солдат, хотя он стоит на страже в Карпатах, и умирает там за родину, на большое горе отца, матери и жены, не венгерский, как и следовало ожидать – но русский.



Русские военнопленные сопровождаются во Львове, 1916

Или, точнее, россиянин. В самом деле, неизвестная рука добавлял в конец русскоязычного текста первыe три строфи песни также на чувашской. Таким образом, эта песня могла быть песня чувашских солдат, воюющих в Карпатах, так меланхолическая, как песня венгерских солдат, воюющих против них в тех же горах.

Фотография неизвестного русского солдата среди писем Шандора Кегльа

Хотя этот небольший фонд, состоящий из нескольких русскоязычных писем, не относится к научно важным частям наследия Кегль, тем не менее, оно проливает такой свет на некоторые черты великого ученого, что мы им посвятили отдельную страницу в интернет-издание наследия Кегль.

Русские военнопленные в Венгрии, 1917

The witness

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The Hermann Café on the ground floor of the Casino of Kőbánya around 1910

Do you remember the post about the Casino of Kőbánya, the former center of the cultural life of my native industrial neighborhood, which would have been one hundred years old in 1999, were it not blown up – absolutely unnecessarily, only with the intention of the abolition of the past – in the great wave of socialist housing construction?

Fortunately there are people who remember it. I received this letter from Gábor Farkas a few days ago:

“Long ago, I read your post, where this photo appeared. And you wrote about the tree in the picture: “And one of the crooked trees also exists.”

This year I got to work to Kőbánya, and I decided to take a photo of the tree without its foliage. Time has come to do so. I enclose the photo if you’re interested.

If the indication of the year is good in the url, then the previous photo was taken about fifty years ago. The tree has not grown that fat during this time. I have not made deeper research, but I think it is a Celtis, that is, a hackberry tree.


1963, with the Casino in the background

2013, with the housing estate in the background

Père – et père

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Alba, Piémont, 1867

Album de famille:
Alba 1867
Hong-Kong, 1897
Marseille, 1900
Buenos Aires, 1930
Il fut le tout petit garçon au centre de l’image. Aujourd’hui rangé de sa vie aventureuse, il colle des photos dans son album, en écrit les légendes et construit ainsi un récit de sa vie à l’usage de ses filles — un récit entièrement centré sur lui-même et largement édulcoré de tout ce qui pourrait ne pas servir à sa gloire.

Et d’abord — qui est le père ici ? Pas lui, pas ce vieux, moi ! Sous l’enfant de deux ans, le dernier-né des neuf enfants rassemblés autour du patriarche (des neuf enfants vivants, s’entend, nous ne comptons pas les morts), il a écrit « Papito ». Bien sûr, il est le père des deux petites filles pour qui il rédige l’album — le « caro papito » auquel elles écrivent de délicieuses cartes postales depuis leur pensionnat turinois. Mais il est aussi l’enfant rebelle, celui qui fugua à huit ans pour s’embarquer à Gênes comme mousse vers l’Extrême-Orient, le plus loin possible de toute cette famille. Ramené à la maison par les carabiniers, il dut affronter son père, sa mère, ses frères, ses sœurs, ses beaux-frères et belles-sœurs — et même ses neveux plus âgés que lui. Quelque chose comme L’enfant d’éléphant…

‘Scuse me,” said the Elephant’s Child most politely, “But my father has spanked me, my mother has spanked me, not to mention my tall aunt, the Ostrich, and my tall uncle, the Giraffe, who can kick ever so hard, as well as my broad aunt, the Hippopotamus, and my hairy uncle, the Baboon, and including the Bi-Coloured-Python-Rock-Snake, with the scalesome, flailsome tail, just up the bank, who spanks harder than any of them; and so, if it’s quite all the same to you, I don’t want to be spanked any more.”

Rudyard Kipling, Just So stories
’Scusez-moi, dit l’Enfant d’Éléphant très poliment, mais mon père m’a donné la fessée, ma mère m’a donné la fessée, sans parler de ma grande tante l’Autruche et de mon gros oncle l’Hippopotame, de ma tante la Girafe qui rue si fort et de mon oncle poilu le Babouin, sans oublier le Serpent-Python- de-Rocher-Bicolore à l’écailleuse queue flageleuse, près de la rive, qui frappe plus fort que tous les autres, et donc, si ça ne vous ennuie pas, j’aimerai mieux ne plus être fessé.

Il renvoie donc toute sa famille une génération en arrière. Et le père ? un « pépé » — et la mère ? une « mémé » — et les frères et sœurs ? tout un ramassis d’oncles et de tantes.
Et les beaux-frères et belles-sœurs ? et les encombrants neveux ? on les efface : il choisit soigneusement une photo de famille « restreinte » — Dieu nous garde des collatéraux.

Le photographe venu rendre compte des trente ans de mariage de ces vieux parents a donné à chacun la place due à son rang : le patriarche au centre, la mère et l’aînée des filles, la terrible Gigina, de part et d’autre du groupe comme pour matérialiser le partage du pouvoir entre elles (un pouvoir de seconde classe tout de même). Les garçons de part et d’autre du père de famille, l’héritier au centre, tenant déjà le trône entre ses mains, les filles alignées perpendiculairement — la plus jeune rompt vilainement la symétrie de l’ensemble.
Le petit dernier sous la menace des claques, au cas où il bougerait pendant le temps de pose.

Father – and father

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Alba, Piedmont, 1867

Family album:
Alba, 1867
Hong Kong, 1897
Marseille, 1900
Buenos Aires, 1930
He was the little boy in the center of the image. Today, his adventurous life stowed, he sticks photos in his album by writing captions and building a story of his life for the use of his daughters – a story entirely focused on him and largely cleaned of everything that may not be to his glory.

First of all – who is the father here? No, not him, the old man – it’s me! Under the two-year old child, the latest one of the nine children gathered around the patriarch (the nine living ones, of course, we do not count the dead), he wrote: “Papito”. Of course, he is the father of the two little girls for whom he is editing the album – the “caro papito”, as they address their delicious postcards from the college in Turin. But he is also the rebellious child, who at eight years ran away to embark at Genoa as a ship’s boy to the Far East, as far as possible from all this family. Brought home by the gendarmes, he had to face his father, mother, brothers, sisters, brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law – and even his nephews older than him. Like The Elephant’s Child…

‘Scuse me,” said the Elephant’s Child most politely, “But my father has spanked me, my mother has spanked me, not to mention my tall aunt, the Ostrich, and my tall uncle, the Giraffe, who can kick ever so hard, as well as my broad aunt, the Hippopotamus, and my hairy uncle, the Baboon, and including the Bi-Coloured-Python-Rock-Snake, with the scalesome, flailsome tail, just up the bank, who spanks harder than any of them; and so, if it’s quite all the same to you, I don’t want to be spanked any more.”
Rudyard Kipling, Just So stories

He thus pushes back all the family by a generation. The father becomes “grandpa”, the mother “grandma”, the brothers and sisters a whole bunch of uncles and aunts.
And the brothers- and sisters-in-law? and the oppressive nephews? He simply erases them, by carefully choosing a photo of the “narrow” family. May God protect us from the kindred.

The photographer who came to account for thirty years of marriage of the old parents, gave each the place due to his/her rank: the patriarch at the center, the mother and the eldest daughter, the terrible Gigina on both sides of the group as to materialize the sharing of power between them (second-class power anyway). The boys on the two sides of the father, the heir in the center, already holding the throne in his hands, the girls aligned perpendicularly – the youngest badly breaking the symmetry of the whole.
The youngest, under threat of slaps in case he would move during the exposure time.

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